Looking at the teachings from Bokuden Tsukahara’s Hyakushu

When studying Japan’s military history, there are some documents that excel above others due to being based on personal experience. Tsukahara Bokuden, an individual known for his contribution to his father’s martial system Kashima Koryū (鹿島古流), and later developing his own system called Kashima Shintō ryū (鹿島新當流), is one of those famous martial artists who had passed down such a document. Along with his connections to popular martial systems including the aforementioned ones, his experience on the battlefield around the late 1400s to early 1500s of during Sengoku period, as well as in mortal combats in the form of duels during his musha shugyo (武者修行, expedition across the land for the sake of training and employment)¹, also contributed to the knowledge he gained regarding the necessities one who walks the warrior path should know.

Bokuden Tsukahara drafted a documentation called “Hyakushu” (百首), which is a collection of 100 entries that can be looked upon as rules for warriors². As a whole, Hyakushu is a set of teachings regarding military and martial-related practices, confrontations, preparations, and the like through the form of short poems. Like many other documents of similar nature, these poems are not straight forward, and require some research and/or understanding on topics regarding military and martial practices during Sengoku period. Fortunately, there are plenty of sources in Japanese that go over Tsukahara’s writings in detail, helping to grasp some of the more vague entries.

Out of the many documents like this, I find the teachings in the Hyakushu a mix of lessons that are of practical use, those that touch on necessary points that could assist fellow warriors, and others that are informative through what Tsukahara was experiencing during his time firsthand; they are not rules that are the standard that all should follow regardless of the times. What’s also interesting is that I feel many of the poems can be compared to certain practices that are done in modern times, both combative and non-combative.

2 pages showing the many entries from Hyakushu. From the book “Gunjin Seishin Shūyōkun” (軍人精神修養訓).

Below are a select few entries from the Hyakushu. You’ll find the original Japanese, followed by my translation and breakdown of the meaning behind the poems. For some, I’ve also added some commentary to how they may apply to scenarios in modern times, as a means to understand how Tsukahara’s teachings actually transcends generations.


JAPANESE:「近き敵遠き敵をはゐる時は矢の根の習いあると知へし(六)」

ENGLISH: “You must know the teachings regarding different arrowheads when dealing with enemies that are close and far away (#6)”

MEANING: This is in relations to what type of arrowheads are designed better for long range versus those for close range. In terms of basic knowledge, the weight of arrows can prevent them from being used in all types of situations. Along with the draw power of a bow, certain arrows are more effective from far away through ya-awase (矢合わせ, raining arrows), while others are better for picking off troops upclose especially for those who are cavalry.

From my still young experience with archery and shooting at an open range, I have conversed with those who are more seasoned with the bow and arrow. It was explained to me³ that lighter arrows are better for hitting a target at greater distances (say, over 20 yards), as they are able to maintain their velocity and still puncture a target. As for heavier arrows, those are better for targets that aren’t too far out (around 20 yards and less), for they tend to lose velocity quicker if shot beyond their preferred range, making them suffer less piercing power. Although this is from the perspective of modern archery, these points are elementary & universal to archery done for centuries.

On a more fundamental level concerning expertise, archery was a practice highly valued by those who walked the path of a martial specialist, and was even the symbol of what it meant to being a warrior. Considering that many from military families were taught formally how to shoot an arrow extensively from a young age, Tsukahara could also be implying that these very people should know the differences of arrowheads and when they should be used. Those who do not cannot say they are truly versed, or complete warriors.


JAPANESE:「癖有れど強き馬こそよけれとて進まぬ癖の馬を乗るぞよ(十四)」

ENGLISH: “While it may be said that a strong horse is fine even if it has its (bad) habits, riding one that has the tendency to not move forward is problematic (#14)”

MEANING: Those with horseback riding experience develop good judgment about different horses. They can point out each one’s habits, some good, some bad. This is so in all generations. When looking at Tsukahara’s era, generally elite figures or those who assume the role as cavalry would ride horses into battle.

To the untrained, a strong or fast horse would be a perfect choice. One can imagine the benefits of these types of horses. However, Tsukahara mentions about habits of a horse, using the word kuse (癖) in Japanese. This tends to have a strong connotation, usually negative. If we look at the habit of a horse not moving forward when commanded, this is a very detrimental habit. Couple of reasons for this include having too strong a will and difficult to tame, to being too timid and frightened easily.

Regardless of a horse being strong or fast, if it does not follow its rider’s commands on the battlefield due to its bad habits, then it is unsuitable. What would then be considered suitable? Possibly one that falls in between, where it is not too strong, and isn’t too timid.


JAPANESE: 「鎬のなき太刀をば深く嫌うべし、切る手の内のまわる故なり(十八)」

ENGLISH: “A sword with no curve (ie shinogi) is one that is loathed immensely, for in order to use it you have to rotate your hand (#18)”

Earlier in Japan’s history, swords with little to no curve were used. However, later in Sengoku period, especially around Tsukahara’s time, swords with a pronounced curve are the preferred choice. This is true all the way to modern times. In sword terminology, a curve in a sword is called sori (反り). How much of a “sori” is there can be understood visually, or it can be measured by the shinogi (鎬), which is a ridge line that goes up along the side of a sword from the habaki (鎺, copper collar right above the swordguard) to slightly under the tip.

When studying how to use a Japanese sword through kenjutsu⁴, you learn how to cut with the upper part of it. In due time, you can perform solid cuts where you don’t have to move your hands so much. However, cutting with straighter swords is the complete opposite. Since they have no curve, you may have to compensate by twisting and turning your hand.

Note that this was the prevalent view in Japan due to certain events. However, there are other countries that have successful histories using straight swords. Of course, there may be other factors that contribute to this, for example, length and weight of the blade.


JAPANESE: 「切れるとて新身の太刀を帯びる人必ず不覚あると知るべし(十九)」

ENGLISH: “Those who equip themselves with a newly made sword believing it will hold up (ie cut with durability) very well are making a big mistake. (#19)”

MEANING: This is an interesting one. Tsukahara is talking about having more trust in battle-worn swords over newly smitten ones. This is because swords have the risk of bending and snapping upon impact while on the battlefield. This is a normal occurrence. However, this can be minimized by using swords that have been tried and true, for if they have survived one or several battles, then that shows they’ve been crafted properly and will most likely hold up. Untested swords, on the other hand, cannot be verified so quickly.

There is more to this teaching. From the mid to later parts of Sengoku period, as territorial battling grew rampant, there were higher demands for equipping troops with weapons, including swords. Many swordsmiths were commissioned to make great numbers of swords in a short amount of time. Due to such urgency, there was little to no time for quality assurance. Thus, there are tales of swords breaking during clashes, which literally renders a warrior helpless and at the mercy of their opponent if they cannot equip themselves with another weapon quickly. It’s possible that Tsukahara witnessed this…or even experienced this himself.


JAPANESE: 「勝ち負けは長き短かき変わらねど、さのみ短かき太刀な好みそ(二十)」

ENGLISH: “A long or short sword can be used in order to determine the outcome in a fight. However, in terms of advantage, a long sword is preferred over a short one. (#20)”

MEANING: There are stories of martial artists winning a fight in all types of methods. Examples of this include having a superior weapon over their opponent, having an inferior weapon, and even having no weapon. It can be said that skills and experience, with a bit of luck at times, have a great influence in being able to do so. While Tsukahara states that a long sword and short sword can be used to obtain victory, he also admits that he prefers using a long sword. If we read into this, he is hinting about not hindering yourself if you are given a choice. This may have to deal more with duels than battlefield experience.

Around his time, there are sword styles that incorporate techniques for using a shorter sword to defeat an opponent with a longer one, such as Chūjō ryū (中条流), Nen ryū (念流), and Ittō ryū (一刀流). While those are great feats with skills that are invaluable, I think Tsukahara is advising don’t take the chance to win with a shorter sword when you can ensure a better outcome with a longer sword. Of course, I believe there is a limit to the type of swords he’s referring to, such as daitō (大刀) & uchigatana (打刀) as long swords, and shōtō (小刀) & kodachi (小太刀) as short swords. From what I know, there are no duels that had excessively long-bladed weapons (ie nodachi [野太刀]) and short-bladed weapons (ie kaiken [懐剣]).


JAPANESE: 「もののふの夜の枕に二重帯、おかぬはあわれ不覚なるべし(四十七)」

ENGLISH: “It would be a terrible blunder for a warrior not to place their futae obi next to their pillow at night (#47)”

A futae obi (二重帯) is a long Japanese-style belt that wraps around the body twice, with the ends being joined together and tucked in. It is very easy to wrap around one’s body, as there is no need for any cords or such to secure it properly around the body. The reason for keeping one’s futae obi next to the pillow is because warriors were trained to do the same with their sword. So, in case of danger, one could quickly put on their futae obi and insert their sword into the 2nd loop at a moment’s thought. Based on the context, this advice is useful for when one is at home or taking lodge at an inn.

For modern times, an equivalent to a futae obi would be an obi used for dankyu (段級) ranking in many modern martial arts organizations. While a kaku obi (各帯, long & wide belt) is the more standardized choice for many classical Japanese martial arts today, a simple long obi can be used in its place by tying it the same way as a futae obi. This can be a good substitute, plus it is much faster to fasten around the body than a kaku obi.


JAPANESE: 「もののふの道行く時に逢う人の、右は通らぬものとしるべし(七十六)」

ENGLISH: “A warrior should not pass on the right side when encountering a stranger while on a road (#76)”

MEANING: In the past, people traveled on the specified main roads. As a warrior, passing by a lone person can be risky, especially if it’s another warrior. That person could be one who practices tsuji kiri (辻斬り), which is intentionally cutting down a passerby on a road or in the field in order to test your skills or the sharpness of your sword. Passing by on their right gives them enough time to draw their sword out. To neutralize this, you would pass by on their left, which not only makes it difficult for them to attack, but you can actually stop their hand, grasp the sword handle, etc. if you can spot the attempt.

This is opposite of what was normally practiced in towns, where you would pass on the right side to avoid bumping into another warrior’s sword sheath, and accidentally causing a confrontation that could lead to kirisute gomen (切り捨て御免, having the right to cut down someone who disrespected you as a warrior).



JAPANESE: 「もののふの道行く時に曲り角、避けて通るぞ心ありけり (七十七)」

ENGLISH: “A warrior should be aware to avoid making a turn (closely) around a corner while walking on a path (#77)”

MEANING: This is in regards to any type of building structure. When walking by or turning around a corner, we do so blindly, not knowing what’s on the other side. Corners are perfect for ambushes, making it easy for an attacker to strike down those who are unaware. This is especially true if you walk very close to the corner.

To remedy this, one should instead turn the corner widely. This not only gives you a chance to see what’s on the other side from a safe distance away, but gives a warrior enough space to react in case of an ambush. This is especially necessary when making a left turn, as with one’s sword being on the left side of the body, you would need space to draw it out of it’s sheath and not hit the wall.

In today’s generation, this rule still holds true. Even outside of a combative situation, it is a good idea to take care around corners especially in heavily populated areas. For example, when walking on a sidewalk, to avoid bumping into someone who may be carrying something. Or when inside a store, to avoid turning straight into a showcase or display.


These are few of the 100 short poems found in Bokuden Tsukahara’s Hyakushu. It would be nice to add all of them, but I have to refrain as that would become a rather large translation project. Hoping to revisit this in the near future, with possibly examples from Tsukahara’s own recorded history that covers his personal experiences.


1) There is an older article about this on Light in the Clouds, which can be accessed here

2) From sources like “Zusetsu – Kobudōshi” (図説・古武道史), it is mentioned that Bokuden Tsukahara actually wrote around 97. After Tsukahara’s death, the original manuscript that he wrote was kept in the possession of Iizasa (飯篠) family. From there, a person named Katō Sagami-no-kami (加藤相模守) is stated to have added 3 more to the original manuscript.

3) Note that there are still many variables to archery that can affect the distance both light and heavy arrows fly, which includes the arrow’s material, whether they have feather fletching or not, length of the arrow, weight & type of arrowhead, size & draw power of the bow, type of bow, and so on. The example given in the article is based on using a recurve bow that is around 30 poundage, while the numerical figures are not set in stone.

4) The experience varies between each sword school, while there may be slightly different mechanics concerning using a sword if learning through iaidō, battodō, etc.

Remembering Ōtake Risuke

A few days ago I heard news that a great martial artist has passed away. Ōtake Risuke (full name, 大竹利典源健之 Ōtake Risuke Minamoto-no-Takeyuki), former head shihan of Tenshin Sōden Katori Shintō ryū (天真正伝香取神道流, Katori Shintō ryū for short), was 95 years old when he left this world on June 6th, 2021. While he was not a direct teacher of mine, his work ethic, proficiency, and philosophy in Japanese Classical martial arts was very inspirational for as long as I can remember over the years. You can say he made a great long-lasting impression on me through the  books he published and television programs he took part in.

Pic of Ōtake Risuke, from his book “Heihō: Tenshin Sōden Katori Shintō ryū”.

Ōtake sensei was born in March 10th, 1926 in Narita City, Chiba prefecture. He would begin studying martial arts under Hayashi Yaemon Iekiyo at the age of 16, and would receive the highest rank at the age of 42. At a time, much responsibility in both teaching, and maintaining the 600-year old knowledge & tradition of this art, was placed on his shoulders, which he did with exuberance and dedication in his hometown. This in turn helped to have the teachings of Katori Shintō ryū designated as an invaluable cultural asset of Chiba prefecture in 1960, with him appointed as the guardian of this art. Seven years later, he would attain full master rank, and be appointed as the head teacher, overseeing all training conducted in this art. This was no small feat, as Ōtake sensei explained in a book about how rigorous the training he undertook under his teacher Hayashi, and how he stuck through it especially at a time when many were called to bear arms as WWII was getting underway.

When you see Ōtake sensei in action, it’s easy to identify how seasoned he was in martial arts, and how refined & sharp his movements were. When watching videos where he performed paired kata, he and his partner generally move at a fast pace. Yet they were always maintained control & execute their techniques with accuracy, and devoid of any fixation on any particular point with unnecessary pauses.

Pic of Ōtake Risuke, performing part of Nuketsuke no Ken from Katori Shintō ryū’s Iaijutsu.

Ōtake sensei was a prime representative of Katori Shintō ryū, which drew much attention by the press, and inquiring potential students. This is especially true when he participated in public demonstrations. He was proficient in the many weapons taught in Katori Shintō ryū. One of the first vivid memories that still remain is when he personally demonstrated iaijutsu. There are several kata of this, with Nuketsuke no Ken (抜附の剣) being one of my favorites. At the start of this kata, Ōtake sensei looks calm in his seated position, with his sword in it’s sheath at his waist. The next moment he would spring high into the air as he draws out his sword in one fluid motion, looking very strong and focus. The energy, the speed, and the movements themselves are very different from the slower, more deliberate demonstrations of modern iaijutsu (iaido) that is commonly practiced today.

There is a rare shuriken demonstration that took place publicly during a 1950 event “Zen Nihon Budō Kakuryū Taikai” (全日本武道各流大会”, aired on NHK channel. Here, a different practitioner of Katori Shintō ryu demonstrates throwing bō shuriken, before drawing his sword and following up with a cut. I was duly impressed as each bō shuriken hit the mark from a good distance away. Ōtake sensei would talk later about his system’s shurikenjutsu in his book, “Heihō: Tenshin Sōden Katori Shintō ryū”, where he passes on valuable advise regarding practicing shuriken. The following is from the stated book, with the original Japanese followed by my English translation:


“手裏剣術の稽古は一人で行うため、倦まず弛まず地道に稽古をすることが肝要で、並々ならぬ努力が必要です。私が手裏剣術を覚えたてのころは…約三年間、ほぼ毎日三百本ほど打ちました。

“For shuriken practice, a great amount of effort is a must in order to engage in this by yourself. What is vital in achieving this is unwavering and consistent training. The period in which I had learned (memorized) shurikenjutsu…was from throwing shuriken 300 times almost everyday for about 3 years.”


As mentioned before, Ōtake sensei attracted many students from wide & far when he was actively teaching as the head shihan. Through his influence, many of them adapted that discipline of sharp & accurate movements. This is because they too frequented training sessions with dedication. This can be seen in Ōtake sensei’s two sons, as well as the famous American pioneer in martial arts Donn Draeger.

A pic featuring Donn Draeger (left) training with Ōtake sensei (right). From the book “Katori Shinto-ryū”.

In an old TV documentary about kobudō (unfortunately I am uncertain of the title), many teachers of different martial systems were recorded introducing their martial systems. Ōtake sensei was interviewed at his dōjō as well. From the start of his segment, two select practitioners from his dōjō demonstrated a kenjutsu kata. Perplexed at how unclear the interaction was between the two performers (i.e. both move in harmony blocking and attacking with almost no one a clear winner), Ōtake sensei was asked by the interviewer what was the purpose of each of the techniques performed in this kata. Ōtake sensei answered that they perform their kata as so as to hide how their techniques work. He then explained what is actually supposed to happen in the kata by breaking down the kenjutsu kata. This scene, plus Ōtake sensei’s explanation, truly inspired me to look outside the box when it comes down to kata and technique. Although a different ryūha, most Japanese martial systems share this same ideology.

For instance, it is common to only focus on the person who’s performing the “winning” technique, yet the one who is the “attacker” also is performing techniques that are key to the school, usually in a way where it can be countered.  When it comes down to what takes place in kata, or how techniques are to be used, a good teacher generally teaches lessons like this, while a good martial artist who wants to learn his or her craft inside-out will research this as well to understand strengths and weaknesses.

Outside of his physical prowess, Ōtake sensei also presented his knowledge on the more theoretical, philosophical, and otherwise esoteric, side of Classical martial arts. Some of these are details that, albeit old, serve as a necessity to grasp a proper understanding of Katori Shintō ryū. For example, he has outlined the specifics regarding armor and its significance when learning the multitude of techniques found in the kata they trained it. In a somewhat non-combative side of things, he also spoke about how the esoteric nature of inyō (陰陽, yin yang) helps to guide warriors of the past on how to set up and fortify their castles in the 7-part series “Way of the Warrior”, which aired in the 1980s. There is a practicality to this, as it is based on nature and what is, both logically and realistically, beneficial against enemy attacks. This same practice is also used for building homes, which is similar to the popular fūsui (feng shui). Lastly, in his books he shares ideology and poems that are important for building character, which could be seen as a means to balance a warrior to remain human and be grateful to those who came before as. Most are of Buddhism-origin, but with most of Japanese culture, they serve mainly as a way to shape how to properly live even if religion is not the main focus. One that stands out particularly is a poem called “Chichi Haha Onjū no Uta” (父母恩重の詩), which describes how we must be grateful to our parents for raising us, and not to forget to show respect to them even after they have passed.

As a respected martial artist who has been watched by the world, Ōtake sensei will be missed. His memory will still live on, as he left a lasting impression on many even on those like me who’s never met him, but could feel his essence both through his words and in his visual presentations.

The Strategic Prowess of Takigawa Kazumasu ~ Part 3

We continue with Takigawa Kazumasu’s history during Medieval Japan under renown feudal lords such as Oda Nobunaga, as he accomplishes many feats through his tact, resourcefulness, and his influence on others. Last we left off where Kazumasu participates in the ambitious campaign by his lord Oda Nobunaga to take over Northern Ise. Will they be successful?

NOBUNAGA TO THE RESCUE

Around the middle of the 5th month of 1569, Takigawa Kazumasu, his force, and his new allies stayed holed up in Kizukuri castle, as they had to hold out against Kitabatake Tomomori and his large force. Kizukuri castle was completely surrounded, so any chances of escape were cut off. Fortunately, word of their plight got back to Oda Nobunaga, was also taking care of other matters at the same time¹. He would command his available top officers to round up their troops and head to assist them. A large army was able to gather at Gifu castle in Mino Province², which consisted of the combined strength of his trusted retainers and their own troops, such as Shibata Katsuie, Ujiie Naomoto from western Mino, and Kinoshita Hideyoshi.

Artwork of Oda Nobunaga. From the series “Taiheiki Eiyūden” (太平記英勇傳, Heroes of the Great Peace). By Utagawa Kuniyoshi.

In the 8th month of the same year, Nobunaga’s large army finally headed into Northern Ise and made their way towards Kizukuri castle. For the last 3 months, Kazumasu and everyone else holed up inside Kizukuri castle did their best to hold out for as long as they could against Kitabatake Tomonori’s force. While they had to endure a long siege, in the long run it paid off; when Tomonori heard how large the incoming army of the Oda force was, he and his troops fell back, and quickly retreated to Okawachi castle.

STANDOFF AGAINST THE KITABATAKE

Kazumasu and his force were finally rescued, and in short time joined Nobunaga’s large force as they moved on to besiege Okawachi castle. Arriving there, Nobunaga had his force surround this castle by making it triple-layered, to prevent any chances of escape. This would be the chance they’ve been waiting for, to take control over Northern Ise in a decisive battle against the Kitabatake family, starting with Tomonori.

Okawachi castle was well equipped, fortified, and suited against sieges, so Tomonori made no attempts to go into battle. Seeing how no confrontation was going to be made, Nobunaga ordered his troops to hold their ground in an attempt to wait their opponents out and weaken their morale. This waiting period lasted for about a month, with a couple of attempts to speed up things. This included building spiked fences around the castle’s perimeter, and a night raid, which ultimately failed due to heavy rainfall rendering their rifles useless. At a later date, Nobunaga ordered Kazumasu to cut off their rations supply by burning down neighboring Tage castle. Kazumasu did as ordered, as well as set ablaze the immediate area around this castle. The fire caused the inhabitants of Tage castle to flee to Okawachi castle, which allowed them in. However, this brought about an even bigger issue as with their food line cut, Tomonori now had even more people to feed, which was an outcome Nobunaga must’ve anticipated.

Although it took time, Nobunaga’s actions did prove fruitful, for eventually Tomonori called for a peaceful surrender. To capitalize over his defeated foe, Nobunaga had his 2nd son, Nobukatsu, become the next heir of the Kitabatake by having him marry with Tomonori’s daughter, Yukihime, then have him adopted by Tomonori’s son, Tomofusa. The way this process worked was Tomofusa had no children of his own, so if Nobukatsu was taken in as an adopted son, he would be able to keep the Kitabatake line going. This also meant that the Oda clan would claim Northern Ise through hereditary means. Along with this union, Okawachi castle was given up by the Kitabatake family, in which Kazumasu was given the responsibility to take control.

At a lost, Tomonori moved to Mise Yakata (三瀬館, Mise Mansion), which was near the Kitabatake-owned Kiriyama castle. There, he would later retire from his military career and become a monk. Clinching control over Northern Ise, Nobunaga went to Ise Shrine to say prayers and pay respect to the new land that is now in his control.

SERVING A RELENTLESS LORD

Gaining control over Northern Ise did wonders in propelling Oda Nobunaga’s power and influence, as well as further cement his presence as a threat to those who oppose him. During the campaign he even was able to establish good relations with Ashikaga Yoshiaki, and helped him gain entry into Kyoto and ascend to being the 15th shogun, continuing the Ashikaga rule…although Nobunaga himself used him as a stepping stone in order to have direct influence in the Imperial court. Takigawa Kazumasu had truly sided himself with a warlord who has the potential to rule Japan, thus he used his talents to achieve victory in whatever task was presented to him. It just so happened that late within the same year, there was some bad relations between a feudal lord within Ise province named Hosono Fujiatsu of Anō castle and Oda Nobukane, who had recently been instated as lord of Ise Ueno castle³. Kazumasu was sent to handle the situation, and he was able to quell the situation by allowing Fujiatsu to adopt his son, Yatsumaro⁴. Through this, Kazumasu was entrusted with Anotsu castle, Shibumi castle, and Kozukuri castle. As can be seen, his story is heavily dependent on much of his lord’s actions, for his story goes hand-in-hand with many of the war campaigns the Oda army took part in.

Artwork of Kennyo in what appears to be suit of armor.

Kazumasu’s next task at hand would soon present itself just one year after the dealings with Kitabatake clan, In Osaka, located in Japan’s western area sits a large estate that acts as a religious ground, with a large temple Ishiyama Honganji in the center. This temple was home of Buddhist monks of Jōdō Shinshu sect, led by the head priest Kennyo. At the time, Jōdō Shinshu Buddhism was not only the most widely practiced at the time, but Kennyo also expressed separation from governing rule. They were in a unique position as they grew in their own political power and influence, and commanded their own force of warrior monks⁵. On top of this, others in the land sided with the the monks’ viewpoint, especially those who suffered a lose due to the Oda force taking over Nagashima castle. This group of rebels collaborated with those of the temple Ganshōji in Nagashima, and were known as the Nagashima ikkō ikki (長島一向一揆). Over a course of time, as he acquired new allies and developed working relations with the Imperial court in Kyoto, Nobunaga also had deteriorating relations with Kennyo, as he expressed his disapproval of this unchecked rising power of the monks of Ishiyama Honganji.

In the 9th month of 1570, Oda Nobunaga had sent a small army to Fukushima in Settsu (present day southern part of Hyōgo Prefecture), north of Ishiyama Honganji. This expedition was to deal with the Miyoshi clan, who were considered allies with the monks of Ishiyama Honganji, as well as supported by 15th shogun Yoshiaki, who was trying to side with those who could help suppress the potential seize of power by Nobunaga. A month later, after declaring Oda Nobunaga a threat to Buddhism as a whole, Kennyo ordered his force to go and attack that army. A battle soon ensued around Yōdō river, which ran along Osaka and Settsu where the Oda army was stationed. Nobunaga’s army won and drove Kennyo’s force back to Ishiyama Honganji, and would also have a few more successful wins in other skirmishes against supporting groups as a small war was on the rise.

Artwork called “Taiheiki Nagashima Gassen: Ise Nagashima Ikkō Ikki” (太平記長嶋合戦 -伊勢長島一向一揆-). Here, the Nagashima ikkō ikki are shown battling against the Oda Force. By Utagawa Yoshikazu.

Kazumasu and other top officers took part in the war, setting up their fortifications for the long haul, including in castles they took over during the war with the Kitabatake family. However, they would soon have to deal with the relentless force of the Nagashima ikkō ikki. At one point, they had harassed Kazumasu to the point where as he and his force retreated from the battlefield, they gave chase. Later, they would assault Kokie castle in Owari Province, where Oda Nobuoki, Nobunaga’s younger brother, was stationed at. Nobuoki would hold out against the assault for 6 days, until the castle was breached and he and his troops had to evacuate. During the assault, Nobunaga had sent aid to save his son. Kazumasu, who was occupying Kuwana castle at the time, was also summoned to help. However, he too was besieged and had to stay walled up in his castle. While Nobuoki managed to survive the besiegers, Kokie castle was lost in the hands of the Nagashima ikkō ikki.

On May 12, 1571, Nobunaga had rounded up a large army, and moved towards Nagajima to deal with the ikkō ikki. He led them through a narrow valley, which was a mistake. The rebel group ikkō ikki laid a trap as they waited on both sides of the valley. As the Oda forces proceeded inside, the opposition ambushed them, initiating it by raining gunfire from their rifles, then closing upon them through upclose skirmishes. Many people of the Oda force sustained a large amount of damage, along with a large number of casualties. In the end, the Oda force was not successful in this campaign against the monks of Ishiyama Honganji and their supporters. Kazumasu and others were withdrawn from the fighting, and returned to their territories to recover from their losses. However, Nobunaga himself was not deterred, as he was determined to continue this war with them until he succeeds in eliminating them.

FACING THE TIGER OF KAI

Not too long after the unsuccessful campaign, Takigawa Kazumasu was yet again summoned to take part in a battle. This time it was against a considerably powerful feudal lord, who was known as Takeda Shingen, the lord of Kai Province. There was abit of history between the two, including during the campaign in Northern Ise⁶. This time around, in an effort to rout Nobunaga, Shingen intended to invade neighboring Tōtomi Province and Mikawa Province from the north-east with a large army split into three. In an effort to prevent this, Nobunaga needed to combine efforts with his ally Tokugawa Ieyasu, who was lord over Mikawa Province.

Section featuring Takeda Shingen from the artwork entitled “Ichimosai Mushae Minamoto Harunobu Yamagata Masakage” ( 一猛齋 武者絵 源晴信 山県昌景 , Ichimōsai’s Warriors Art piece: Minamoto Harunobu (aka Takeda Shingen) and Yamagata Masakage). By Utagawa “Ichimōsai” Yoshitora.

Nicknamed “the tiger of Kai⁷”, Shingen was a particularly well-established lord who maintained a highly disciplined and efficiently organized army that utilized cavalry forces very skillfully, so his presence coming anywhere near Nobunaga was a threat that couldn’t be ignored. Nobunaga mobilized an army of a few thousand troops, as he had to keep the majority behind to protect his lands from other potential invasions. As one of the generals, Kazumasu made preparations and led his troops. He coordinated alongside with other top officers, such as Nobunaga’s senior general an war-harden Sakuma Nobumori, the recently acquired Mizuno Nobumoto, and loyal Oda clan retainers Hirate Hirohide & Hayate Hidesada. While the Oda force wasn’t as large as the Takeda’s, their continual development of using gunner squads was expected to be key component in winning. Being experienced with rifles and firearms, Kazumasu was a good candidate to bring for this.

In the 10th month of 1971, Shingen invaded Ieyasu’s borders, with his sights set on claiming Hamamatsu castle and thus controlling the area. He sent is army to first gain control of Futamata castle, which was under the control of one of Tokugawa’s officers. The combined forces of Nobunaga and Ieyasu worked to intercept this, which led to several clashes. First of the clashes would take place around the slope of Hitogoto-zaka (一言坂, Hitogoto Slope) in Tōtomi Province, just north of Hamamatsu castle.

A map showing the layout of the territories controlled by the major players in the war between Oda Nobunaga , Takeda Shingen, and Tokugawa Ieyasu.

The flow of the battle was not in the favor of the Oda-Tokugawa coalition, however, as the Takeda proved to be too much to deal with due to their sheer numbers. The Oda force had to retreat from the skirmish. The Takeda army continued to march towards Futamata castle and, although faced abit of resistance for a few weeks, were able to successfully drive out the defenders and claim Futamata castle by cutting off their water supply. After these unfortunate events, Nobunaga and Ieyasu both took time to regroup.

For the next couple months Nobunaga and Ieyasu prepared to trap the advancing Takeda army and attack from different angles. There was also extra fortification put in place at Hamamatsu castle, with trusted generals such as Takigawa Kazumasu and Sakuma Nobumori given the task of defending it. This was certainly a great honor, mostly likely due to Kazumasu’s track record of successfully managing captured castles during the campaign in Northern Ise. In 1572, as the joint forces prepared to set their plan into motion, Takigawa assisted in administrative duties at Hamamatsu castle and the given area around it, along with maintaining diplomatic relations, and administrative duties.

At some point it was discovered that Shingen wasn’t heading for Hamamatsu castle, but instead commanded his troops to pass by and entrap Nobunaga and his force with the Takeda army moving in several parts. Kazumasu and Nobumori of the Oda force, along with other officers of the Tokugawa force tried to advice Ieyasu against the planned trap, especially since his force was still outnumbered. Ieyasu, on the other hand, did not heed to the advice, and continued with the intended plan. Taking position up on Mikatagahara, Ieyasu ordered his troops to charge at the passing Takeda troops. Kazumasu, along with Sakuma Nobumori and other generals combined their efforts with the Tokugawa force, intending to overcome their larger opponents with the newer technology of rifles. Initially this ambush appeared to have worked, as it caused some disarray in their formation. However, it proved to not be enough as Shingen had his cavalry units run through the gunners, disrupting their attack while killing unprepared soldiers.

A 3-section art piece entitled, “Mikatagahara no Tatakai” ( 三方ヶ原の戦い , Battle at Mikatagahara). In the center panel is Takeda Shingen, who’s leading his cavalry in the right panel against the Tokugawa force in the left panel By Yōshu Chikanobu.

Both the Oda and Tokugawa troops were overwhelmed by the Takeda army’s exceptionally crafted strategies and militaristic discipline, while their formations crumbled before the cavalry assaults. In the long run, much casualties were faced on the defenders’ side, especially with the lost of Nobunaga’s close retainer Hirate Hirohide. Kazumasu and others retreated off the field in order to save their lives. Ieyasu not only had to fled back to Hamamatsu castle to save himself, but lost many soldiers and important officers as they tried to cover his retreat.

It was clear that Takeda Shingen was the superior force, while a looming fear crept on the losing side that he would succeed in defeating Nobunaga and capture parts of the eastern provinces. What will happen to Takigawa Kazumasu and his companions? Will they survive? Could the mighty Shingen be stopped? Tune in to part 4 to find out the outcome.


1) Around this time, Oda Nobunaga was making an agreement with displaced Ashikaga Yoshiaki, who was trying to continue his family’s line of shogunate rulers by gaining entry into Kyoto.

2) Interestingly, Mino Province in next to Kuwana, where the Kitabatake family were located in

3) During the Northern Ise campaign, Oda Nobunaga was able to claim Ise Ueno castle through peace relations with Nagano Tomofuji. This was solidified through marriage between Nobunaga’s younger brother, Nobukane, and Tomofuji’s niece.

4) Details about him are scarce. It is not clear if Yatsumaro (八麿) was a biological son of Kazumasu’s. One thing that is clear is that this deal benefited Oda Nobunaga a great deal, for when Fujiatsu is out of the picture, Yatsumaro would claim Anō castle.

5) Around 1568, Nobunaga was multitasking between the Northern Ise campaign and assisting Ashikaga Yoshiaki into becoming the next shogun. As Oda headed to Kyoto to help Yoshiaki gain entrance, there were many that had some connection with the Imperial court who opposed this, such as the Miyoshi clan, Asai clan, Araki clan, and even Kennyo of Ishiyama Honganji. They made a pact called “Nobunaga Hōimō” (信長包囲網, Anti-Nobunaga network). Takeda Shingen was also against Nobunaga, and was recruited by these opposers to help subdue this growing threat. Apparently Shingen had mobilized an army, but was kept back through the assistance of Tokugawa Ieyasu.

6) Here I use loosely the term “warrior monks”, which is sōhei (僧兵) in Japanese, as this is common term. However, it has to be pointed out that there’s a large misconception regarding warrior monks, not on in the West but in Japan as well. While the idea sounds similar to say the Shaolin monks in China, warrior monks were not necessarily Buddhist monks, or fully ordained. Books like “The Teeth and Claws of the Buddha: Monastic Warriors and Sōhei in Japanese History” (Mikael S. Adolphson) goes into deep details regarding Japanese researchers and how they’ve been able to get a better picture through surviving accounts about warriors who represent the military strength recruited by these Buddhist temples. In many cases, they were oftentimes warriors hired to protect the temple. This isn’t saying that monks themselves didn’t go to war, but at what rate can these warriors be called “Buddhist monks” is the point here.

Also, while the popular image has these hired “warrior monks” dressed in robes and have a shawl wrapped around their head and face, in reality their appearance was, in many cases, similar to that of regular warriors. There may have been few who do fit the stereotypical image, but it may be more related to them being of status where they could dress with extra attire to distinguish themselves. This is not unusual.

7) This is “Kai no tora” (甲斐の虎) in Japanese

Tetsujin ryū, an Offshoot of Niten Ichi ryū?

Lately, I’ve been browsing through books and other sources regarding martial systems that specialize in the Japanese sword. Unlike Sengoku period, there are many of these during Edo period, most of which were created during this peaceful era. Just as there are more than one can possibly hope to remember, there are equally many that died out, Sifting through different sources tends to introduce new information. It just so happened that one of the sources mentioned a sword style I’ve never heard before, which is Tetsujin ryū (鉄人流). It has a very strong sounding name, plus seems to specialize in dueling with 2 swords.

EVALUATING ORIGINS

Tetsujin ryū’s full title is “Nitō Tetsujin ryū” (二刀鉄人流). If we break down the title,  we get the following:

  • Nitō/二刀: Two swords
  • Tetsujin/鉄人: Iron man, strong man
  • ryū/流: style, manner, school of thought

This was a martial system that used the method of two swords. It was mainly taught in the far western region of Japan in Saga domain, Hizen province (present day an area divided between Saga prefecture and Nagasaki prefecture). The founder of Tetsujin ryū is tricky to discern based on current sources. On one hand, credit is given to Aoki Kyūshin Ienao (青木休心家直). From what I can understand, there is no birth date or year of death presented for him, but it is estimated that he lived during the early part of Edo period. On the other hand is Aoki Jōuemon Kaneie (青木城右衛門金家), who is the grandchild of Ienao¹. While his exact years are also unknown, it is stated that he was born in Kawachi province (present day eastern part of Ōsaka prefecture). Both claim tuteluge under the master swordsman who created Niten Ichi ryū, Miyamoto Musashi², in available documentations. In fact, Kaneie went by the nickname “Tetsujin”³.

Is it possible that they both were students of Musashi? This is uncertain, but could somehow be possible. It can be agreed that, with both Tetsujin ryū and Niten Ichi ryū being dual sword styles, it would make sense there being a connection. However, there are doubts about Ienao and Kaneie ever studying under Musashi, where for the latter it may have been under a completely different person⁴.

A chart that shows the branching connection between Shinmen Muni and those who studied under anyone connected to his martial lineage. Number 1 (red) indicates Aoki Ienao, who’s connected to Miyamoto Musashi (green). Number 2 (red) is Aoki Kaneie, who’s connected directly to Muni (blue), then has an additional branch to Miyamoto Musashi. From the book “Zusetsu – Kobudōshi”.

COMPARISON BETWEEN BOTH STYLES

Here’s what is known about Tetsujin ryū. This martial system utilizes daishō (大小), which means a pair of swords consisting of one daitō (大刀, larger sword such as a katana) and a shōtō (小刀, shorter sword such as a wakizashi). This is the same for Niten Ichi ryū. From what I’ve been able to uncover, there is a list of dual sword postures, that feature both illustrations and short descriptions. In comparison to Niten Ichi ryū, there are a lot. Furthermore, the naming convention is complex and not easy to decipher.

Looking at Niten Ichi ryū first, we see that there are a total of 5 postures where dual swords are used⁵, which are the following:

  • Chūdan no kamae / 中段の構
  • Jōdan no kamae / 上段の構
  • Gedan no kamae / 下段の構
  • Migi waki no kamae / 右脇の構
  • Hidari waki no kamae / 左脇の構

These are standard posture names used in many kenjutsu systems, and are easy to understand their usage. For example, Chūdan no kamae is a “middle posture”, where the swords are positions slightly above waist height, while Jōdan no kamae is “high posture”, where both swords (especially the daitō) are held much higher.

If we look at Tetsujin ryū, sources indicate that there are a total of 16 stances. Here is, based on my understanding, how the names are read:

  • Tōgō Kiri / 當合切
  • Utetsu / 右鐵
  • Satetsu / 左鐵
  • Chūdō Bassatsu / 中道縛殺
  • In Bassatsu / 陰縛殺
  • Yō Bassatsu / 陽縛殺
  • Yōtetsu / 陽鐵
  • Intetsu / 陰鐵
  • Sōken / 總捲
  • Hitōken / 飛刀劔
  • Yō-i / 陽位
  • In-i / 陰位
  • Shin-i / 眞位
  • Jitte Dori / 實手捕
  • Kōmyō Shinken / 光明眞劔

While there are descriptions about how to assume the postures within the scroll that is public, it’s mentioned that there isn’t much else. The first 6 postures are indicated as the main ones, whereas the other 10 are more advanced postures. How each one is used and when is a mystery. On top of this, the posture names aren’t as clear as to that of Niten Ichi ryū in terms of how they are used. While some names do provide hints when tied to an illustration, such as Utetsu (right iron) and Satetsu (left iron)  indicate body orientation, other names leave alot to the imagination.

Since this martial system is shitsuden (失伝, no longer actively maintained by a successor), there are no vids or pics that’ll give us a clear presentation of it in action, unfortunately. If it is true that one of the two Aoki members did learn under Musashi, why are there many differences, both visually and descriptively, between both martial systems? Unlike today’s standards where many koryu bujutsu (traditionally transmitted martial systems) are organized to preserve the teachings across different generations, centuries ago it was not mandatory to retain the style name. Depending on one’s situation, many practitioners either kept partial of the style name but added another title (i.e. their own name) to it, or renamed it completely if they received a master license. On top of that, it was not unusual to reorganize the contents if what they learned, or even add to it. This could be the case here with Ienao/Kaneie and Tetsujin ryū.

REFLECTION OF THE TIMES

As mentioned before, Tetsujin ryū is a sword style that existed during the Edo period. In fact, it lasted for the majority of this time period. It can be said that Tetsujin ryū is a reflection of the times; as society was governed by one ruling power, groups followed standardized rules as opposed to territorial customs & standards during an unified Japan in Sengoku period. Many martial artists began focusing more on the katana, which was shorter than the battlefield-centric tachi. This was in part due to battlefield weapons being banned by the Tokugawa rule, and the fact that katana became standard amongst warriors at the time. The usage of dual swords (katana & wakizashi) was made popular especially through the efforts of Miyamoto Musashi during the mid 1600s. Being a dual sword style, Tetsujin ryū certainly seems to be a product of Niten Ichi ryū, and openly owns up to that claim. However, there are other martial systems that similarly have dual sword techniques in their curriculum, whether they have a connection or not. Examples of this include the following:

  • Ryōken Tokichū ryū (offshoot of Tetsujin ryū)
  • Tendō ryū
  • Katori Shinto ryū
  • Musashi Enmei ryū
  • Shinkage ryū

There’s not much in terms of how Tetsujin ryū was used in actual combat or competition. There are, however, tales that highlight certain individuals. The first is “Aoki Jōuemon: Tetsujin ryū Gensō” (青木城右衛門 鉄人流元祖). This is a novel-style telling of Aoki Kaneie’s history. From this is where we learn a great deal about his life in Kawachi, and his path to becoming a martial artist, including his tutelage under Miyamoto Musashi. While considered historical text, there is no telling how much is actually truth, and what is fictional/exaggerated for the sake of storytelling.

The second is an actual diary of a Tetsujin ryū’s practitioner’s fighting experience. Entitled “Shokuni Kaireki Nichiroku” (諸国廻歴日録), it is an account of Muta Bunnosuke, who received complete licensing in Tetsujin ryu while living in Saga domain. Afterwards, from 1853 he traveled around Japan to further his skills for 2 years. It sounds like he may have been one of the last people involved with this martial system, so Bunnosuke’s diary is held in high regards. This story sounds interesting, and I personally would like to read more on it.

ENDING

That wraps up my small research on Tetsujin ryū. While it is seen to have a connection to Miyamoto Musashi, Tetsujin ryū apparently was valid enough to exist on its own worth for about 2 centuries. It is an example of one of the many gems in martial arts from the past.


1) To be specific, sources say that Kaneie is Ienao’s older brother’s grandson. Guess that would be the same relationship between the 2 as well…?

2) It goes much further for Kaneie, as it is said he studied first under Shinmen Muni, Miyamoto Musashi’s father, and learned the techniques of the jitte (十手, short truncheon with a hook for capturing swords). Afterwards, he would study under Musashi.

3) Kaneie may have later changed and called his systems “Enmei ryu” and “Enmei Jitte ryu”

4) Kaneie also created his own style for utilizing the jitte, called “Tetsujin Jitte ryu”, which is thought to have come from his studies under Musashi’s father.

5) There are more, mainly in the form of variations of the initial five. Plus, there are postures for when wielding one sword.

Looking at Miyamoto Musashi’s First Treatise

Many people are familiar with Miyamoto Musashi’s famous treatise called “Gorin no Sho” (五輪の書), or commonly called “Book of 5 Rings” in English, which was written in 1645. However, in 1641 he compiled another treatise prior to this called “Heihō Sanjūgō Kajō” (兵法三十五箇条), or “35 Rules of Martial Combat”. Being an expert martial artist in the way of the sword, Musashi wrote this upon the request of Hosokawa Tadatoshi, who was a lord over Kumamoto Domain, Higo Province (present-day Kumamoto Prefecture). Believed to be the first recordings of what would later be Musashi’s self-made style “Niten Ichi ryū” (二天一流), the Heihō Sanjūgō Kajō was preserved in the densho of a kenjutsu school called “Enmei ryū¹“, which Musashi himself had a hand in starting.

Recently, as I was reviewing my copy of Gorin no Sho, I decided to also look through the Heihō Sanjūgō Kajō as well. When comparing both documentations, there are similarities as well as differences. There are those that consider the former a “draft” of the Gorin no Sho, and would sign it off for the sake of the more renown version. Some of the reasons behind this include the following:

  • Gorin no Sho is a much longer documentation with more philosophical commentary.
  • Gorin no Sho possesses much more detail on both taking up the part of a martial artist, and the techniques that are related to Niten Ichi ryu.
  • While the Gorin no Sho directly covers Musashi’s self-made style Niten Ichi ryu, the Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō, which is related a great deal, has more of an association with Enmei ryu.

However, I believe that is a premature viewpoint, especially if you are not familiar with the history behind the first documentation and which audience it was written for. Being a treatise on both fundamental and advanced techniques that can benefit a martial artist, Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō would benefit anyone who has interest in this field, even if just as an addition to one’s collection.

Looking at the similarities between both documentations, some of the rules in Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō are also included in Gorin no Sho. However, take note that the wording and/or approach expressing these differ abit between both. Furthermore, although older, Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō contains some interesting perspectives by Musashi. Let’s evaluate this with a snippet from rule #2. I will present below the Japanese, along with my English translation.


② 兵法之道見立処之事   

此道大分之兵法,一身之兵法に至迄,皆以て同意なるべし。

今書付一身の兵法,たとへば心を大将とし,手足を臣下郎等と思ひ,胴体を歩卒土民となし,国を治め身を修る事,大小共に,兵法の道におなじ。

② Analyzing the Path of Martial Combat 

The path of martial combat is the same throughout, from the militaristic system used for large armies, down to the individualistic combative skills.

In this writing I will use individualistic combative skills as an example for the comparison. Such as, one’s head (mind) is equivalent to the commander, the hands & feet are like close subordinates such as retainers. The torso is like the foot soldiers. If, through this idea, one trains the body as if to take over a country, then the path of martial combat is, without a doubt, the same on all levels.


This is an overall comparison of the discipline for the individualist skills honed by a martial artist being the same as that needed for an army to work well and succeed. It’s an interesting one, as it may directly explain how the mindset and approach to martial combat transitioned from the battlefield to individual skirmishes during the Edo period. Take note that rule #2 of Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō is said to be related to the Earth Scroll chapter of Gorin no Sho, yet this doesn’t mean that this is a direct copy of words from one text to another. Anyone who’s familiar with both will notice that while Musashi makes references regarding the discipline of the martial artist is the same as in all professions in that particular chapter, he primarily makes that comparison using carpentry.

The following rules below are a few that offer new and unique perspectives of Musashi’s philosophy. That is, by how they are worded, as they don’t definitely fall into any of the chapters found in Gorin no Sho. Along with the original Japanese and my English translation, I will follow up with my interpretation of the meaning behind the following rules, as best as I understand. Of course, being my interpretation, this doesn’t mean that it is 100% perfect.


⑦ 間積りの事

間を積る様,他には色々在れ共,兵法に居付心在によって,今伝る処,別の心あるべからず。何れの道なりとも,其事になるれば,能知る物なり。大形は我太刀人にあたる程の時は,人の太刀も,我にあたらんと思ふべし。人を討んとすれば,我身を忘るゝ物也。能々工夫あるべし。

⑦ Making Space

There are many points to this, along with needing to be there in the moment and having a presence of mind, in regards to making space around yourself. To explain this clearly hear, you must not have your mind elsewhere or on other matters. Like all paths, in order to achieve this you must have knowledge. The big picture here is to strike the opposition with your sword. To achieve this, one must have the mind of not being struck even by another person’s sword. When you do make the attempt to strike down someone, you must forget about yourself. This takes knowledge and lots of training.


For this, you control enough space around yourself, allowing room to deliver strikes, as well as avoiding any incoming ones from an opponent. When you do go forth with your attack, you must also commit to it and not hesitate, for that will leave the door open for the opposition to react.


⑳ 弦をはづすと云事

弦をはづすとは,敵も我も心ひつぱる事有り。身にても,太刀にても,足にても,心にても,はやくはづす物也。敵おもひよらざる処にて,能々はづるゝ物也。工夫在るべし。

⑳ Releasing the string

To achieve this is to grasp on both the thoughts of you and your opponent. You pull yourself off line of an attack through your body, sword, legs, and mind. You will understand how to evade based on your opponent’s thoughts. This requires lots of training.


This rule is talking about being able to read what your opponent is trying to do. Simply put, one reacts accordingly to each of your opponent’s actions if you can grasp what he/she is planning next.


㉖ 残心放心の事

残心放心は事により時にしたがふ物也。我太刀を取て,常は意のこゝろをはなち,心のこゝろをのこす物也。又敵を慥に打時は,心のこゝろをはなち,意のこゝろを残す。残心放心の見立,色々在物也。能々吟味すべし。

㉖ Freeing one’s Attentive Spirit

This is a method for you to allow things to take their natural course for some time based on the situation at hand. With our sword in hand, our attentive spirit is released as if things are normal, while our mind stays active. Or, as you strike down an enemy in a timely manner, you rest your mind, while staying attentive through intent. There are many points to be aware of when analyzing this. There is much information to gain from this.


In Japanese martial arts a fundamental skill reiterated a lot is zanshin (残心), which can be interpreted as staying attentive when a conflict has been ended. For the rule above, this goes beyond that, where one relaxes mentally yet stay attentive through intent, or vice versa.


㉛ 扉のおしへと云事

とぼその身と云は,敵の身に付く時,我身のはゞを広くすぐにして,敵の太刀も,身もたちかくすやうに成て,敵と我身の間の透のなき様に付べし。又身をそばめる時は,いかにもうすく,すぐに成て,敵の胸へ,我肩をつよくあつべし。敵を突たをす身也。工夫有べし。

㉛ Teachings of the Door

This is about being like a tobaso (戸臍 or 枢, swinging door), where when getting close to the opponent, you quickly make yourself wider in appearance. This creates a distortion regarding enemy’s sword, and the body. It makes it that everything is exposed within the space between you and your opponent. Or, you make yourself a slim form as soon as possible as you propel your shoulder towards your opponent’s chest.


Musashi is describing how to change your body’s orientation, and uses the image of a hinged door as an example. In theory, squaring up with your opponent can be effective in many ways, including psychologically, as it gives the idea that you are a bigger target. Yet, if the enemy strikes, you turn sideways so the attack sails by, which allows you to deliver a counter strike.


Here concludes our discussion on Miyamoto Musashi’s first treatise. While the Gorin no Sho is truly the more popular one worldwide, the Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō is still an active rule set used in certain Japan martial schools that follow in the lessons of Musashi. On top of that, there are publications on this, as well as plenty of websites that cover this in detail in Japan. While a smaller read, I would recommend those serious about martial arts to read the Heihō Sanjūgo Kajō, even just once.


1) Also known as Musashi Enmei ryu (武蔵円明流).

The Patron & The Ox: Legends of Tenmangū ~ Part 2

We continue with the discussion on the legendary tales from Tenmangū. Since we were able to achieve an understanding behind these shrines through the history of Sugawara no Michizane in part 1, we will now proceed with those tales and get an idea how they have deep ties with the yearly ox Zodiac sign theme. Note that many of these stories were made long ago in Japan’s past, during a time where superstition was prevalent, and natural phenomenons were believed to have been caused by one of many gods. Whether they are believable or not, they do play a big role in the development of both culture and society.

BIRTH & DEATH

Sugawara no Michizane was elevated to the level of a divine being after his death due to his contributions while he was alive. This isn’t so unusual, as there are plenty of examples of this happening not only in Japan, but in other countries as well. Interestingly, one could say that this was already predetermined on the day of his birth. A tale that is told at the Tenmangū shrines is that his birth was an auspicious one, and truly denotes his connection with the ox Zodiac sign, which is considered beyond normal. In this particular tale, Michizane’s birth is recorded to not only been in the year of the ox, but was also on the day of the ox, and at the time of the ox¹. What does this mean?

The Zodiac signs have a multitude of purposes, some utilitarian, others mystical. In the past, they were used to denote years, days, and time, which was key for fortune telling. Depending on the period and the tasks that are at hand, a person may believe they will see benefits, or will heed caution and refrain from doing anything important. In Michizane’s case, this repeated occurrence with the ox sign in his birth is pretty auspicious, and viewed as beyond normal. On top of this, Michizane is said to have died on the day of the ox. Such a repetition of a Zodiac sign may point to him as being divine, like a deity who took the form of a human. As for the ox reference, one could interpret it that the ox brought him into the world, as well as returned him to his true realm, since the ox is naturally a vehicle of the gods. More on this point later.

VENGEFUL SPIRIT, WRATHFUL GOD

This tale can almost be seen as a continuation to part 1, based on how it’s told in the visual records of the Kitanō Tenmangū shrine called “Kitanō Tenjin Engi Emaki” (北野天神縁起絵巻). In 908, just 3 years after Michizane’s death, a member of the Fujiwara clan would die suddenly from disease. One year later, Fujiwara no Tokihira, the main antagonist in Michizane’s misfortune, also dies from disease. In 913, new Minister of the Right Minamoto no Hikaru would tragically die through drowning while out on a hunting expedition. As the Fujiwara clan gained a stronger hold of both the Imperial palace and Imperial family, more tragedy befell upon them. Such can be seen in the 930 incident where a lightning storm would strike down upon a building on the Imperial grounds where many members of the Fujiwara family were, resulting in a few of them dying on the spot, or later passing away due to suffering from lightning burns. The final tragedy befell on 60th Emperor Daigō, who is believed to have been the main target of the lightning storm. After the incident, Emperor Daigō’s health deteriorated, until finally dying 3 months later. The cause of this is viewed to be linked to his agreement with the validity of the accusations made by Tokihira and others, and Michizane being exiled from Heian Kyō.

This entire story is seen as an act of revenge by Michizane’s spirit that took its course over the course of almost 30 years. Initially, as these events were unfolding, the consensus within the Imperial palace was that Michizane’s vengeful spirit was cursing the Fujiwara clan. There were different attempts to try and “appease” him, such as bestowing upon him different titles including Minister of the Right, which was taken away from him through slander while he was still living. The lightning storm was the most severe, which happened later after the Fujiwara clan were able to become part of the Imperial family through one of the women conceiving a child for then Emperor Daigō, making him a prince. As a result, A Fujiwara member was sent to Anrakuji, where Michizane was buried at, to build an enshrinement. This enshrinement was then named Tenmangū. A few centuries later the Kitanō Tenjin Engi Emaki was created, which retells this story.

While there were those who described him as a vengeful spirit, Tenmangū instead envisions him as a wrathful god punishing wrongdoers in an act of justice. As a result, Michizane is called by several other names, including “Raijin” (雷神), which means “Thunder God”. According to old beliefs, a thunder god is generally depicted having the guise of an oni (鬼, demon) with horns². According to the Zodiac signs, the combination of the Ox and Tiger signs refer to demons, both metaphorically (i.e. they point towards the unlucky north-east direction on the typical Zodiac chart) and visually (demons are usually illustrated having ox-like horns and wearing tiger fur loincloth). This goes back to Michizane being born in the year of the ox, which contributes to this image.

PERSONAL RELATIONSHIP WITH OXEN

There is a legend that Michizane had encounters with an ox, which may have been his guardian spirit in disguise. During his youth, Michizane found a baby ox wandering alone in a wooded area. Appearing to be lost or abandoned, he took it into his residence, where he nurtured it until it grew into an adult. At some point, just as it suddenly appeared in his life, this ox suddenly disappeared without a trace. While he wanted to set out to search for it, in the end he let the matter go. Fast forward to when he was exiled to live his life in Dazaifu in the south, Michizane would one day travel west to Dōmyōji (道明寺, Dōmyō Temple) in Osaka to visit a relative³. After parting ways, he set out to head back home when he was unexpectedly attacked by an assailant. Before harm could befall on him, a large ox suddenly appeared and drove the assailant away, saving Michizane’s life. Just as quickly as it appeared, this ox would disappear from sight in the same way.

One of the ways to interpret this story is that the baby ox was a spirit. Since Michizane showed kindness and helped raise it, this ox spirit in return acted as a guardian spirit. In a way, it is not so different from many other Japanese fabled tales of similar nature. Although it is just a legend, this contributes to Michizane’s ever-persistent connection with the ox Zodiac sign. On another note, while in this version of the story the color of the ox is not mentioned, I’ve heard another one, although very brief, where Michizane was rescued by a white ox. While I’m not sure if this is a variation of the story mentioned above, there is significance in the white ox to the Buddhist god Shiva, which the Tenjin of Tenmangū is loosely based off of.

AN OX’S STUBBORNNESS AS FATE

Another story is directly related what took place after Michizane’s death and the decision with what to do with his remains. In his final days, Michizane wrote a poem as part of his will that states “people should allow themselves to be pulled along in a wagon by an ox, letting it take us where ever it may desire, and to eventually be buried in the spot where it stops at”⁴. Following this as his last wish, those sent to bury his remains put it in an ox-drawn wagon, and had intended to carry it all the way to Heian Kyō (present-day Kyōto) in the west in a procession. During the journey, the ox suddenly stopped in the middle of the road, laid down, and wouldn’t move. They didn’t make it far, as they were still in the southern part of Japan. Despite efforts to get it to stand up and proceed again, the ox wouldn’t budge. With no other choice, They took Michizane’s remains to a near by temple called Anrakuji, and had it buried there.

At Tenmangū shrines, the underlining point of this story is that everything happened based on fate. Michizane was destined to be laid to rest in the south, and the ox was like a divine messenger to show where the burial spot should be. Interestingly, this is where Michizane was enshrined in the 1st Tenmangū shrine, thus being deified. Again we see the significance of the ox, whether we choose to view this as chance or by fate.

OX AS A SERVANT OF THE GODS

If we look at some of the stories mentioned above, we see the ox had a close role in the life of Sugawara no Michizane, as well as after his death. At the Tenmangū, the ox is often described as a “shinshi” (神使), which can stand for being a servant or messenger of the gods. According to Shinto beliefs, there are spiritual creatures who, acting on the will of the god(s) they serve, come down to earth to handle tasks they were assigned to. At times, humans may also view these spiritual creatures as gods themselves. They would take the guise of earthly creatures such as foxes, monkeys, birds, snakes, and centipedes. In the Tenjin faith of Tenmangū, the ox is the main servant.

From another perspective, the ox can also be viewed as a vehicle for the gods. In Eastern religions and beliefs, gods are depicted as coming down to Earth on the back of a divine creature. These creatures include boars, horses, and oxen. There are artwork that feature Michizane sitting on the back of an ox, although in these he is in his humanly form, as if to say he did this while he was alive. Since Michizane is deified and now recognized as the Tenjin, this is fitting.

ENDING

These are the majority of legendary tales from the Tenmangū. Bearing a lot of references to the ox, one can get an idea how important their underlining messages are especially when the ox Zodiac years come around. This here brings the 2-part series to a close. I hope readers enjoy this piece of history, and get an understanding about how intricately enwoven the Zodiac signs were with Japanese culture.


1) This is commonly written as “丑の年の丑の日の丑の刻”, which reads “ushi no toshi no ushi no hi no ushi no koku”

2) This is more in the vein of a divine demon, who is a guardian of Buddhism. Another way to describe this would be “onigami” (鬼神), or “demon god”.

3) This relative is stated to be an oba (叔母), which could mean aunt.

4) Although written in modernized Japanese, this is an interpretation of the poem:

「車を牛に引かせて、牛の行くままに任せ、牛の止まった所に葬ってくれ」

“Kuruma wo ushi ni hikasete, ushi no yuku mama ni makase, ushi no tomatta tokoro ni hōmuttekure”

Note that during the Heian period, ox-drawn wagons were popular among the populous, which may have had an influence on him writing this.

The Patron & the Ox: Legends of Tenmangū ~ Part 1

Continuing with the ox theme that coincides with this year’s Zodiac sign, I will introduce some interesting tales that relate to it through the famous Tenmangū (天満宮), which is the name of numerous Shinto shrines built around Japan. These shrines practice the Tenjin faith (天神信仰, Tenjin shinkō), a form of Shinto belief, which involves the worship of the Tenjin (天神). A significant point worth mentioning is that the Tenjin is Sugawara no Michizane, who was as an actual scholar and aristocratic that lived during the Heian period (794 ~ 1185). He was later viewed as a patron deified due to the many good things he did while he was alive, as well as the incidents that would later take place after his death that were then told as legends.

Today’s article will be the 1st of a 2-part series about Tenmangū’s fabled tales surrounding Sugawara no Michizane, and the persisting imagery of the ox. Before getting into those, part 1 will cover this individual’s actual history in order to better understand the roots of his legendary status.

LIFE STORY OF SUGAWARA NO MICHIZANE

Sugawara no Michizane was born in 845, which was the year of the Ox. The Sugawara was an elite family during the Heian period, at a time when noble families lived in or close to Heian Kyō, (present day Kyōto) the Capital where the Imperial Palace was built, and the golden age when foreign import contributed immensely to cultural development before Japan was turned into a military state by warring feudal lords. Michizane was privileged to receiving education in many topics, including Chinese classics, writing, archery, and poetry. It is said that he was very gifted in learning, as he demonstrated natural talent in both literature and military studies¹. As an example, Michizane would not only understand Chinese poetry thoroughly at the age of 11, but he also wrote his 1st poem at that age². Earning high honors, he would became a professor of literature at the age of 33.

A pic of Sugawara no Michizane.

Outside of education, Michizane was also talented in political matters, as well as a devotee of the Shinto belief. Eventually his career would involve working for the Imperial court. He not only proved to be a loyal subject of the court, he was also very close to 59th Emperor Uda, where he was heavily depended on as an advisor. He handled different tasks that helped Japanese society as a whole, including improving living conditions for the poor and maintaining Japan’s unique image while adapting foreign influences. Michizane also proposed many reasonable ways and solutions to handling foreign relations, which Emperor Uda truly valued. With his hard-working ethics and knowledgeable insight, he rose through the ranks, and inevitably achieved the title udaijin (右大臣), or Minister of the Right. This was one of the highest ranks achievable at the time, which was a great honor to him and his family. This title was matched equally by sadaijin (左大臣), or Minister of the Left, which was held by another aristocrat named Fujiwara Tokihira (藤原時平).

Speaking of which, at the time the Fujiwara were major players in the Imperial court, where they imposed their influence in many aspects politically. Although the Sugawara had a history of good relations with the Fujiwara, Michizane and Tokihira did not get along, where the latter would not treat the former well. In fact, there were other opposing noble families who were in favor of the Fujiwara, and were also jealous of Michizane’s seemingly unfaltering favor from Emperor Uda. Secretly, Tokihira and others conspired a plan that would expose him of abusing his power in an effort to rid his presence from the Imperial palace, and help elevate their family and peers.

When Emperor Uda retired and was succeeded by the 60th Emperor Daigo, Tokihira and others took a chance to put their scheme into action. They were successful in defaming Michizane, who would then be unfortunate of being stripped of his rank, and exiled from Heian Kyō by the new Emperor. Separated from his family, he was forced to reside in Dazaifu located in the south (present day Dazaifu City, Fukuoka).

Deprived of the wealth and loved ones, Michizane’s life in Dazaifu was hard, yet he maintained his dignity and continued to present himself as a good example by continuing with scholarly studies, and devoting his time in worship for the sake of the safety of the Imperial family and the nation of Japan. He spent the remainder of his years there, and would pass away in 903. Shortly after, his remains were buried at Ankakuji, not too far away from his residence. Years later, as Michizane’s former detractors started to die due to diseases and freakish accidents, the Imperial court would exonerate him from all crimes he was judged to have committed, bestowed upon him his former ranks, and ordered for Tenmangū to be built at Ankakuji to enshrine his remains, which would in turn make him a deity — all as a means to appease what was believed to be his vengeful soul.

Today, many go to the Tenmangū to pray for academic success, since Sugawara no Michizane is viewed as a god of learning. Despite facing slander and hardship towards the later part of his life, his life story, which includes his achievements, were recorded and preserved, which in turn makes him a revered individual, and one that inspires all that visit these Tenmangū shrines. Visitors can also see large bronze statues of an ox at some of these shrines, which is also plays a significant role in several tales related to Michizane’s story.

ENDING

This is how Sugawara no Michizane’s history closes, as well as concludes part 1. In the following article, we will review different tales and legends that paint vivid pictures of Sugawara no Michizane, as the Tenjin, being an auspicious, as well as the ox being like a divine creature.


1) Essentially the standard structure for learning during the Heian period, which is called bunbu ryōdō (文武両道).

2) Below is the poem he wrote:

「月夜見梅花 月輝如晴雪 梅花似照星 可憐金鏡転 庭上玉房馨」

In his poem, Michizane describes how the sweet-smelling flower garden made up of plum blossoms (ume [梅] in Japanese) looks radiant in the bright moonlight like stars, similar to how snow sparkles in the sun rays.

The Genealogy of Tokugawa Ieyasu & The Advantages when Claiming Power

During a research project a while ago, I came across an interesting point regarding Tokugawa Ieyasu, the feudal lord to unify all of Japan in the early 1600s, and first shogun of the Tokugawa Bakufu (徳川幕府, Militaristic rule of the Tokugawa clan). I came across notes online that state he would have himself addressed as “Tokugawa Minamoto Ieyasu” (徳川源家康) within some administrative-related letters and documents¹. For those who are familiar with the earlier years of Japanese history should know about the Minamoto clan, which was a powerful clan with nobility roots to the Imperial family, and greatly recognized for their prowess in military campaigns by a few exemplary individuals from the Heian period to the Kamakura period. What is this significant link that the Tokugawa family have with this clan?

Before modern Japan, it was commonplace for people to change their names. There are numerous reasons for this, such as to represent one’s (new) living area, job title, adoption into a new family, rise in status, and so on². In most cases, an explanation is given in surviving documents, whether it be in the form of a diary, family records, of official papers. In some of these cases, however, are critical disputes on the validity of these documents and their claims.

For this article, we will look at Tokugawa Ieyasu and the story behind the lineage he established. This ranges from his own personal history, the factors in which prompted him to take on a new name, as well as his family line’s connection to the Minamoto clan. Some of the sources used for this includes the following:

GENJI – MATSUDAIRA STORY

Ieyasu was born in the Matsudaira family, who were from Matsudaira Village in Kamo District of Mikawa Province (present day Matsudaira Town, Aichi Prefecture). The Matsudaira family were an influential one, who would eventually gain full control over their domain for many years once there was no one to challenge them. After becoming shogun and establishing the Tokugawa Bakufu in the early 1600s, Ieyasu presented a genealogy for his family line, which illustrates the Matsudaira line was started by Matsudaira Chikauji (松平親氏). This Matsudaira Chikauji is stated to have a link to the Seiwa-Genji lineage (清和源氏), which is but one of the different lines that have ancestry to the noble Genji clan.

Some points to understand regarding this Seiwa-Genji line:

  • This line descends from the 56th successor Emperor Seiwa, making it the most powerful of all the other Genji lines.
  • All Genji lines originate from the Minamoto clan, a family of nobility whom were once one of many imperial families during the Heian period.
  • While they have a long history, the Minamoto clan are especially renown for their on-going struggle for power against the Taira clan which eventually lead to victory within the late Heian period (794-1185).
  • One of the main representatives of this Seiwa-Genji line is Minamoto no Yoshiie (源義家, 1039-1106), who is viewed as a legendary figure being the role model for the brave, armor-clad warriors whom would later rise and establish Japan into a military state.

Here’s an explanation of Tokugawa Ieyasu’s claim to the Seiwa-Genji link. His ancestor, Chikauji, is a descendant of the Serata³ clan, which split from the Nitta-Genji (新田源氏) line (another branching line from the original Seiwa-Genji). The Serata clan left the Nitta Manor in Tokugawa Village (新田庄徳河郷), and later established their own home in Serata Village in another part of Tokugawa (世良田郷徳河) within Ueno Province⁴. According to different sources, early in the Muromachi period (1336-1573), Chikauji and his father Arichika (有親) fought alongside with others against the Kamakura bakufu within the Shinano area in eastern Japan. They were on the losing side, and had to flee from the pursuit of Ashikaga Takauji and his force. Not being able to return to their homeland, they escaped to Sagami Province. Reaching the Shōjōkō Temple, Chikauji took vows there to become a Jishu sect monk under the name “Tokuami” (徳阿弥)⁵. Later, he would travel to Matsudaira Village in Mikawa, and became a member of the Matsudaira family through marrying the daughter of Matsudaira Taro Saemon. Thus, Ieyasu’s claim is that his blood line directly comes from Minamoto no Yoshiie through Chikauji, as well as past generations were known as “Tokugawa” due to Serata Village being in Tokugawa.

Above is a genealogy chart I’ve prepared that illustrates the generations that progresses from Minamoto no Yoshiie all the way to Matsudaira Chikauji. It also includes how certain individuals changed their surname generally based on the geographical location they were living in, which led to the establishment of new branching family lines. Some of them even did this multiple times. If we look at Chikauji at the bottom of the 2nd image, he too is a prime example of switching surnames. Apparently he went by “Tokugawa” at one point when he was residing at Tokugawa Village, while he would eventually switch to Matsudaira.

IEYASU AND HIS CHANGE TO TOKUGAWA

Looking into Tokugawa Ieyasu’s personal history, he went through a period where his identity changed in stages before establishing the Tokugawa shogunate and ruling all of Japan. As a summary, he was known by the name of Takechiyo (竹千代) during his childhood. When he was given his ceremony of adulthood at the age of 16⁶, his given name 1st changed to Motonobu (元信), then later to Motoyasu (元康) while working under Imagawa Yoshimoto, but kept his family name “Matsudaira” the same. He inherited the role of the 9th head of the Matsudaira clan, yet didn’t spend much of his life with them in Mikawa after the age of 6, for he was sent away as a hostage⁷ by his father, Matsudaira Hirotada. He was 1st under the care of Oda Nobuhide in Owari Province for 2 years, then later sent to his intended caretaker Imagawa Yoshimoto in Suraga Province, who lorded over Mikawa. Eventually, he would gain complete control over Mikawa when Yoshimoto died during the battle of Okehazama in 1560, which was the final of the ongoing war this individual had against the ambitious warlord Oda Nobunaga. His military career truly took off under the title of Matsudaira Motoyasu, and would continue especially after his identity undergone yet another change.

Artwork of Tokugawa Ieyasu as Shogun. From series “Mikawa Eiyuden” ( 三河英勇傳, The Great Heroes of Mikawa Province) by Utagawa Yoshitora. From Wikipedia.

In 1563 he would alter his first name, from “Motoyasu” to “Ieyasu”. 3 years later, he would then change his family name from “Motoyasu” to “Tokugawa” as an official title from the Imperial court. While it is very common to have one’s family name changed in relations to receiving an official rank with some sort of back story, there is none whatsoever in Ieyasu’s case at the time. It would be many years later during the 1st year of the Edo period that Ieyasu would reveal that in his family’s genealogy, which traces back to the Serata clan, there were a few individuals who bore the name Tokugawa. It is through this connection that he believed it was best to reinstate this name. Some researchers question this as there was no mention of this in his earlier years, especially from someone who grew up away from his own clan members during his youth. Another interesting point that is mentioned is that members of Ieyasu’s Matsudaira clan did not change their family name to Tokugawa after his rise in power, but did not hesitate to use this surname when needed.

QUESTIONING THE AUTHORITY TO POWER

By setting up the new Tokugawa bakufu in Edo (present day Tokyo), Tokugawa Ieyasu was able to establish rules, regulations, and territorial development process throughout Japan. Official documentations were also transcribed, which were used to retain all sorts of important information. Some examples of these are the Mikawa Monogatari (三河物語), which is a documentation of historical tales and accomplishments regarding families from Mikawa including the Matsudaira/Tokugawa, and the Kansei Chōshū Shokafu (寛政重脩諸家譜), which is a collection of many different genealogy, including that of land owners and military families. In these we can see the genealogy of Ieyasu, which claims an ancestral link to the Minamoto clan through the Seiwa-Genji line.

Despite these documentations, historians and researchers are skeptical about this claim. Some of these arguing points include the following:

  • There is very little concrete info on those individuals who come before Chikauji
  • There is no evidence of a Serata member migrating to Mikawa, let alone it being Chikauji
  • Outside of Ieyasu’s genealogy claim, there are no other details regarding a family lineage presented by other Matsudaira members

There isn’t much solid proof of where such a well-detailed genealogy comes from. Taking his historical account into consideration, Ieyasu didn’t spend a lot of his time in Mikawa, let alone amongst his Matsudaira clan members. This isn’t an unusual case, to be honest. There are even some questions regarding those that come after Chikauji in this genealogy, but for this article I will refrain from discussing those, as they don’t have the same weight as the ones mentioned above. What’s interesting to note is that Imagawa Yoshimoto, Ieyasu’s primary care taker in his early years, also claimed a link to the Seiwa-Genji lineage. Possibly this is where Ieyasu got the idea from and decided to follow suit?

If there is solid ground for skepticism, what would be the benefit of fabricating a lineage? Understand that after military rule was established by Minamoto no Yoritomo as the 1st ruling Shogun during early Kamakura period (1185 ~ 1333), not just anyone could simply use force and claim the title as “shogun”. It had to be acquired through the following 2 points:

1) Appointed by the Emperor

2) It could only be given to those of (according to very old beliefs and fables) “noble families that were descendants of the gods that created Japan and the world”

While we will not delve into the specifics of the 2nd point, we can sum this point up by the fact that the Minamoto clan, like many other noble families, was established with the proclamation of ancestry under a specific god, thus their connection with the Imperial court bearing the status of nobility. This link to nobility, along with other factors, is what granted Minamoto no Yoshiie the qualification to be appointed as shogun by the Emperor during his military career⁸. It is not hard to see the advantage of claiming rights to rule as Shogun through a link to the Seiwa-Genji lineage.

Claims to nobility wasn’t something that only Ieyasu took advantage of, for there were others before him who used the same proclamation to acquire the shogun title. For example, the Ashikaga clan, whom had a long line of shogun successors throughout the Muromachi period (1336 ~ 1573), also did the same and claimed ancestry to the Seiwa-Genji lineage. Toyotomi Hideyoshi also dabbled in such play of claiming a link to nobility, for when he was able to rise to the top through superior military strength over his adversaries, he was initially faced with an issue that would prevent him from becoming shogun. The son of a lower class family, Hideyoshi was not born with a noble surname, meaning he had the blood of a mere commoner. To rectify this situation, he was advised, as well as permitted, to be adopted by an Imperial court noble named Konoe Sakihisa. Through this newly-established noble link, Hideyoshi was allowed to receive the title shogun from the Imperial court.

CONCLUSION

This research on Tokugawa Ieyasu’s claimed genealogy, along with the critical disputes against it is an interesting one. It gives a glimpse of methods those who have the means can use in order to secure their position to achieve success or claim power. Even though this matter is centuries old, researchers still take the time to examine just how real the roots of the unifier of Japan truly is in order to understand the history of his ancestors…that is if any traces of it can be discovered. It’s but one of the many ways to learn about the past and understand Japan when society was structured very differently from modern times.


1) In a related topic, the online edition of Sankei News reported about a letter written in 1586, where Tokugawa Ieyasu used the title addressed as “Fujiwara Ieyasu” (藤原家康) in 1586. It appears that along with the surname change to “Tokugawa”, Ieyasu initially wanted to elevate his status even higher through an ancestral link to the Fujiwara family. For those unfamiliar with this, the Fujiwara family were elite to the point that they were not only the most influential in the Imperial court, but they also had control of the Imperial house behind the scenes through manipulating which member of the Imperial family would be the next successor. Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Ieyasu’s predecessor, was another who used the Fujiwara surname at times after he established himself with a noble lineage.

You can see the actual news report here.

2) One of the more interesting cases I’ve heard is that some people would change both their given and family names if they feel their current ones are unlucky. To improve their luck, changing them to ones that are more appealing in meaning is a route that is seen as beneficial.

3) Also pronounced as “Serada”

4) The kanji (Chinese-bsed characters) for “Tokugawa” uses an older way of writing. There are different ways in which this name has been written throughout the ages. Here are the following:

  • 徳川 (most familiar)
  • 徳河
  • 德川
  • 得川
  • 禿川
  • 禿河

5) This is explained in the “Mikawa Monogatari” (三河物語). There is a slightly different take on this in an earlier publication called “Matsudaira Yuishogaki” (松平氏由緒書). This too presents descriptions regarding the Matsudaira genealogy, but for Chikauji’s case he is not written to have been a monk. Instead, he left his hometown on a solo journey across the lands like a wanderer. Because of this, there are beliefs that this part about him becoming a monk is a fabrication, and added to later documentations.

6) This is known as “genpuku” (元服) in Japanese.

7) This “hostage” case is very common throughout Japan’s history. Different from the idea of kidnapping by force, in many situations a clan that is controlled by another more powerful clan would send family members to reside with them. While these members are given to fulfill a particular need by the powerful clan, the gist of it is to keep those family members in order to control the lesser clan. There are also many political usages behind this.

8) Before the establishment of military rule, the title “shogun” had a slightly different nuance, along with a different manner of entitlement. During the Nara and Heian period, certain renown warriors who were recruited to deal with supposed threats (i.e. “barbarians” and “villains”) to the Imperial palace and the aristocratic governing system would be given this title. In Minamoto no Yoshiie’s case, his complete title was “Chinjufu Shogun” (鎮守府将軍), which has the full meaning of “Commander-in-Chief of the army which pacifies threats from the North”.

The Strategic Prowess of Takigawa Kazumasu ~ Part 2

We continue with our coverage on the history of Takigawa Kazumasu. In the part 1 we learned about his childhood, birth family, the start of his military career under the servitude of Oda Nobunaga, and his engagement in the campaign to control Northern Ise. Part 2 will further cover Kazumasu’s many exploits as an active instigator during this campaign, which led to numerous conflicts with the Kitabatake clan and their allies.

PASSIVE VICTORIES

After making the necessary preparations, Takigawa Kazumasu and his force resumed their assault on Kusa castle. Kazumasu instructed his troops to take more drastic measures to pressure the defending Kusunoki Sadataka to surrender by burning not only the rice fields within the area, but also to set ablaze the local temples and neighboring forts¹. This action was excessive, but the reality was that Kusu castle was a mere pebble in the way of something bigger; Oda’s forces’ main objective was to occupy key areas of geographical importance. Merely driving out low-status clans whom were loyal to the Kitabatake clan from their castles to strengthen their hold in Northern Ise was a temporary task, although necessary.

An ukiyoe of Takigawa Kazumasu from the series “Taiheiki Eiyūden” (太平記英雄傳, Heroes of the Great Peace) by Kuniyoshi Utagawa. Here he is called “Takigawa Sakon Katsumasa” (辰川左近勝政).

In a turn of events, Kusunoki Sadataka and other occupants evacuated the castle, leaving it open for immediate capture. With this area no longer a threat, Kazumasu reported back to his lord Oda Nobunaga. Having accomplished his tasks, he was ordered to take a defensive position with is troops and occupy the recently captured Kanie castle while Nobunaga and his other retainers continued to lay siege on other territories.

In the 2nd month of 1568, Kazumasu went back to work in the front lines as the campaign to conquer Northern Ise continued. Many of the powerful families² were targeted for the majority of the year, with exceptionally good results. He assisted in carrying out the immediate plan of besieging the remaining still of these families, as the Oda army captured these castles, which included Nakano castle, Nishimura castle, Hazu castle, Mochibuku castle, Ōyachi castle, Isaka castle, Ichiba castle, Hikida castle, Hironaga castle, and Komukai castle. Many of these families surrendered or defected over to the invaders’ side.

Later that same year, Kazumasu laid an assault on Kannonji castle in Ōmi province. This castle was occupied by Rokkaku Yoshikata. He was abandoned by his supporters, so he surrendered quickly. Despite losing the battle, Yoshikata was spared since Kazumasu understood that he was a countryman of his³. Soon afterwards, Kazumasu led his troops towards the neighboring Chigusa castle, which was controlled by Chigusa Tadaharu, Yoshikata’s. Tadaharu was surely a bigger target, for he not only had more influence within his immediate area, but his clan had a long-standing relationship with the Kitabatake clan for several centuries. Yet, when it came time to face the invading enemies, he could not put up much of a resistance, which allowed Chigusa castle to fall before the might of the Oda army. Tadaharu immediately retired into priesthood in order to run away, leaving his son Matasaburō as the new successor of their family. Matasaburō cooperated with Kazumasu and pledged his allegiance to Oda Nobunaga, but this was refuted due to opposition from Rokkaku Yoshikata, thus leading to the unfortunate young successor of the Chigusa family being executed⁴.

WEAKENING THE KITABATAKE

In 1569, Takigawa Kazumasu continued to take a lead role in Oda’s force as they made their way to confront Kitabatake family, who were stationed further out east in Northern Ise in an area called Kuwana. The main influence in Northern Ise with a great military strength, the Kitabatake family also have a strong ties to the Imperial court. At the time, the family was headed by the Kitabatake Harutomo, who was the 7th successor. So, for Nobunaga to neutralize their presence physically and politically would do wonders for his own career. In preparation for this, Nobunaga had Kazumasu put in motion a scheme to acquire Kozukuri Tomomori, the lord of Kanbe castle. Tomomori was in a very special position for he had very close ties to the Kitabatake family not only due to his marriage with one of the members’ daughters, but was the adopted father of Harumoto’s 3rd son. With the intent to gain Tomomori’s support without having to go to battle, Kazumasu was able to recruit Genseiin Shugen⁵, a member of the Kozukuri family, as an insider, and used him to spread rumors regarding the Oda force to Tomomori to cause unrest and doubt. Falling under pressure, Tomomori submitted without a fight. Through Shugen’s unwavering assistance, the Kozukuri were slowly be swayed to side with Kazumasu and Nobunaga.

An old map showing most of Ise Province. The Kitabatake family were located in Kuwana (circled in red), which was by the eastern edge of Northern Ise. Oda Nobunaga and his army entered from the western border of Northern Ise. From the “Mori Yukiyasu Database” of International Research Center for Japanese Studies.

To ensure control of this new key asset, Nobunaga had his 3rd son adopted by Tomomori through marriage with one of his daughters. Through this union, he became one of Nobunaga’s retainers. As a domino effect, close allies to Tomoyasu would in turn submit to the Oda force and switch sides, such as Mine castle lord Mine Chikuzen-no-kami, Kō castle lord Sado-no-kami, Inō castle lord Inō Kageyuu Saemon, and Kabutō castle lord Kabutō Sakyō-no-suke.

TAKIGAWA’S AGENT WITHIN ENEMY WALLS

Kazumasu would continue with this scheme of psychological warfare from within through Shugen, who would use a similar strategy on his older brother Kozukuri Tomoyasu, lord of Heki castle. This too would conclude in success. In a similar fashion, Kazumasu would help to acquire yet another ally of the Kitabatake, which was Nagano castle lord Nagano Tomofuji, This time around he used a plot to gain influence within, which in turn caused him to turn and force an attack on neighboring Hosono Fujiatsu, a very strong retainer of the Nagano family who controlled Anō castle. Tomofuji would lose against Fujiatsu, thus causing him to flee from Nagano castle. In the end, he defected over to Oda Nobunaga, who in turn ensured his loyalty by having his younger brother, Nobukane, marry into the Nagano family.

In another incident, Takigawa Kazumasu was able to add yet another ally from the Kitbatake’s side without having to go into battle. Kozukuri Tomomasa, lord of Kozukuri castle, was prepared to go to battle with the invading Oda force in the 5th month of 1569. He amassed an army of 1000 troops, and took the defensive by fortifying Kozukuri castle in order to hold ground. With the need of increasing their overall control of Ise Province, Kazumasu sent Shugen to convince Tomomasa peacefully work with the Oda force. Shugen, who was accompanied by a high-ranking retainer of the Kozukuri family named Tsuge Yasushige, had yet again proven his worth through this successful ploy, so Kazumasu rewarded him by adopting him into his family, which also included him having one of Kazumasu’s daughters become his wife. Through this new familial union, Shuge’s name changed to Takigawa Katsutoshi (滝川雄利).

Picture of Kitabatake Tomonori. From Wikipedia.

While the Oda force was having a string of successful routs of any opposition primarily through having their enemies defect to their side, one individual would eventually try to throw a wrench into Kazumasu’s near-perfect schemes. Kitabatake Tomonori, who was at the time lending support to Okawachi castle in preparations for a possible siege, heard news about the Kozukuri family, along with their close allies, defecting to Oda Nobunaga’s side. Enraged, he took immediate action and had the daughter of Tsuge Yasushige executed⁶. This was a devastating blow in response to the now severed relations between the Kitabatake clan and Kozukuri clan. Later, within the same month, Tomomori would mobilize an army and target Kozukuri castle, where Kazumasu and his newly acquired allies were currently located. Tomomori would have this castle completely surrounded, poised to terminate those deemed as enemies of the Kitabatake and their hold of Northern Ise. How will Kazumasu manage to escape this new predicament he’s fallen in?

ENDING

Takigawa Kazumasu was a critical component in Oda Nobunaga’s Northern Ise campaign, primarily for his strategic approach in claiming key points not just through force, but through the use of passive ploys behind enemy lines. Will this hold up to the very end? Stay tuned for part 3, where we’ll see what takes place when Kazumasu and the rest of the Oda force finally reach their goal and confront the Kitabatake family.


1) In another account called “Jōha Fujimi Dōki” (紹巴富士見道記), it is written that the reason behind the fires was to repel attempted attacks from the Ikkō Ikki, which was a band of rebels united under the lead of Buddhist sects. To prevent them from getting in their way, the Oda force set ablaze their homes and temples in Nagajima. It is possible that, from hearing about such a devastating action, Kusunoki Sadataka became dishearten and retreated from Kusu castle.

2) These families are often labeled as the “48 Nobles of Northern Ise” (北伊勢四十八家, Kita Ise Yonjuuhachike)

3) Kōka, Takigawa Kazumasu’s birthplace, is also an area in Ōmi Province. This is quite a significant point, as the Rokkaku clan had an ongoing agreement with the many families in Kōka to support one another.

4) The root behind this supposed betrayal is most likely due to a souring relationship between the Rokkaku clan and Chigusa clan, possibly existing since their 1st encounter. Prior to the siege by the Oda force, Chigusa Tadaharu had clashed with the invading Rokkaku clan in 1555. Tadaharu and his force were able to subdue the Rokkaku clan, making them his underlings. To ensure loyalty, the Rokkaku clan had their retainer, Gotō Katatoyo, present his younger brother as an adopted son to childless Tadaharu. As the potential heir of the Chigusa clan, this boy was given the name Chigusa Saburō-saemon.

A few years later, Tadaharu would have a maternal son, who was named Matasaburō. His foster son was still under the expectation of becoming the next successor of the Chigusa clan, as he was much older and believed to have been adopted for that sake. However, when Matasaburō became older (possibly preteens?), Tadaharu announced that his maternal son would be next in line. Saburō-saemon tried to object, but was later chased out of the castle. Rejected, he sought refuge at Rokkaku castle, where he would receive asylum. It may be safe to say that due to Saburō-saemon being from the Gotō clan, and the apparent breach in the agreement his clan made years ago with Tadaharu, Yoshikata may no longer had seen eye-to-eye with the Chigusa family, thus the reason he swayed Takigawa Kazumasu to not spare Matasaburō.

5) This individual has a rather complex story, even from his origin. Although a member of the Kozukuri household, disparaging sources state that it’s either due to a maternal link, or through adoption from another family, speculated to be Tsuge (柘植) family. Furthermore, At the time of meeting Takigawa Kazumasu he was a monk who went by the Buddhist name “Genseiin Shugen” (源浄院主玄), although in some sources he is also called “Kozukuri Shugen”.

6) In some sources, it is said that Tsuge Yasushige’s wife and daughter were both executed.

The Strategic Prowess of Takigawa Kazumasu ~ Part 1

There are many recordings of historical figures that were active during Japan’s Sengoku period. Normally stories of significant figures are readily available, but what about those who may be considered “minor” individuals yet were major players that influenced historical events? This year, a goal of mine is to cover more stories about historical figures that do not have a great deal of info in English. To start things off, this article will be about a military commander named Takigawa Kazumasu.

Who is this individual? Within Japanese history books, Takigawa Kazumasu (滝川一益)¹ is primarily remembered as the 36th retainer of the once powerful Oda Nobunaga, but it should be noted that he rose in the ranks very quickly, and became one of Nobunaga’s most reliable retainers. Even after Nobunaga’s death, Kazumasu would continue to earn merits while serving other feudal lords. In terms of his personality and traits, we learn from recorded military accounts that he was a crafty commander who utilized many tactics, some more indirect than others, to ensure victory on his side. This included psychological warfare, quick assaults and retreats, and secret raids. Kazumasu was especially fond of taking part in establishing kinship in order to gain increased support, even with those who were on the opposing side. Talented in the politics of warfare, as not only did he approach enemies with tact, he was also relied on to handle diplomatic encounters. Overall, he was talented in a variety of situations.

LOOKING AT THE BEGINNING

Kazumasu was born in 1525, and was from Kōka District, Ōmi Province (present-day Kōka City, Shiga Prefecture). His original name is said to have been Kyusaku (久作) before it was changed to Kazumasu during his military career. Other names include also Takigawa Sakon Shōgen (滝川左近将監)². In terms of parents, what is known is that he was the son of a man that is believed to have used either the name Shigekiyo (資清) or Ichikatsu (一勝). Shigekiyo was known to come from a prominent family in Ōhara Village of Kōka District, Ōmi Province, and was once lord of Taki castle.

While he is of the Takigawa family³, Kazumasu also has ties to the Ōtomo clan (大伴氏). This is possibly due to the fact that one of the Takigawa clan’s family crest, the tomoe (巴), is the same as the Tomo clan within the same Kōka Province. Ōtomo is a descendant line of the Tomo line, so speculations are that the Takigawa have an ancestral connection in this manner, but this is not 100% confirmed yet. It is also speculated that the Takigawa family has connections with a few other older family lines, such as the Ki clan, and the Kusunoki clan. It is still uncertain whether or not this is through a blood connection.

As a young kid, Kazumasu is described as having a strong, spirited personality, but was raised with bad manners. It seems he may have rebelled against the tight-knit ways of his fellow residence in Kōka District and caused trouble along the way. At some point, he left his hometown under one of two scenarios. The first is said that he opposed the “all as one” pact that was the predominant stand all the families lived by there. The second is that, through an ongoing dispute with the Takayasu clan, Kazumasu killed one of their members. Supposedly this incident forced him to flee Kōka, as he was sought out by the rest of the Takayasu members of Taki castle.

ESTABLISHING TIES

Before his inevitable departure, Kazumasu had acquired some valuable warfare skills, as he learned how to use the latest military weapons during his youth, such how to operate and shoot various types of guns. This may have been used as a selling point for him as he wandered around in Japan, looking for a place where he could find suitable work under a prominent employer. He would eventually do so, and it is believed that a sibling of his father named Takigawa Tsunetoshi helped with this. From time to time, Kazumasu would visit Tsunetoshi and show off his shooting skills. Around 1558, Tsunetoshi spoke highly about his nephew’s impeccable accuracy with a rifle to members of the Ikeda family, which he had married into. Ikeda Tsuneoki, who was a retainer of Oda family, excited by such claims, requested that he meet him. After establishing contact, Tsuneoki introduced this remarkable gunner to his lord, Oda Nobunaga, who would then request a demonstration. As requested, Kazumasu shot at several targets, hitting each of them with pinpoint accuracy. Pleased with what he had witnessed, Nobunaga took him in and made him one of his retainers. This was a fortunate opportunity for him, as he was able to align himself with the warlord of Owari Province that would later make a huge impact in his trek to conquer Japan.

In 1560, Nobunaga tasked Kazumasu with his first military task, which was participating in the first wave of attacks against the warlord of Suruga Province, Imagawa Yoshimoto, during the battle of Okehazama (桶狭間の合戦) . This battle represented the power struggle that warlords of different areas went through as they contested their might against one another, as Nobunaga made attempts to extend his range of control in the eastern part of Japan. In the long run, Nobunaga and his force were able to defeat Yoshimoto, and claim much of the territory in Suruga Provence. This was only the beginning for them, as key locations were targeted in order to strengthen their growing power and continue to contend with other potential feudal lords trying to claim absolute power as well.

A 3-panel woodblock print depicting the battle of Okehazama. Oda Nobunaga and his force are shown in the farthest right panel, while Imagawa Yoshimoto and his force are in the farthest left panel. From Wikipedia.

Within the same year, Nobunaga took action to move into Northern Ise through stationing his force at Kanie castle in Owari in 1960. This was possible through the funding from Hattori Tomosada, who was lord over the Nagajima castle of Ninoue in Owari. Initially, Tomosada was given command of Kanie castle, but later was driven out. In his place, Kazumasu was made lord of this castle, which allowed Nobunaga to claim control over one of the 5 major areas in Northern Ise.

SIGHTS ON ISE

For several years, Oda relentlessly set military campaigns throughout Northern Ise, and claimed as much as he could in order to subdue Ise Province as a whole. Takigawa Kasumasu was very active during these campaigns as part of the reserve corps. He had firsthand experience in many of the skirmishes that took place in various territories such as Kaga, Tanba, and Harima as he was assigned to mobile assault forces, which had to infiltrate these territories. An interesting note is that Akechi Mitsuhide, one of Nobunaga’s well known retainers, was recruited around the same time as Kazumasu, possibly under the same conditions of being skilled with rifles. During these infiltration missions, it is said that Mitsuhide also took part in these.

As an example, in the 2nd month of 1567 there was a push to establish suitable grounds in a campaign to subdue the Kitabatake clan, who had major control over northern Ise. Kazumasa, leading a force of 4000, was part of a scheme that targeted the Ueki, Kimata, and Fukumochi families. To start, Kazumasu placed Akechi Mitsuhide into his ranks⁴. This was due in part to Mitsuhide’s connections with a monk named Shōei, who is formally from Ise⁵. Being able to acquire Shōei’s assistance, Kazumasu used him to help in negotiations with certain opposing groups to side with Oda’s forces. Such actions proved very effective in the long run, which not only Kazumasu put into practice, but even Nobunaga as well, which is illustrated in the next paragraph below.

A map of Japan, with Ise Province in red. Northern Ise is in the upper area of Ise Province.

In the same year, Oda Nobunaga laid siege with his main force on Inabayama castle of Mino Province. This castle, along with the area of Mino, was under the control of Saitō Tatsuoki. This is not the first time Nobunaga has targeted this area; a key location in his campaign to control Ise Province, he has tried several times to defeat Tatsuoki and claim both the castle and Mino Province as his own. This time around, Nobunaga was able to gain the upperhand through having local loyalists to the Saitō family side with him, such as Inaba Yoshimichi, Ujiie Naomoto, and Andō Morinari. Gaining cooperation and necessary secrets from those defectors, Oda’s force used a ploy where they bore flags that had the Saitō family’s crest on them as they laid siege. Not being able to distinguish friend from foe, Saitō Tatsuoki was driven out, and retreated to Nagajima of northern Ise by boat. Nobunaga would then rename this castle as “Kifu castle” (岐阜城, Kifu jō).

In the 8th month of 1567, Kazumasu was part of the vanguard of Oda’s main force of 3000 as they marched towards their next target, Kusu castle⁶. At this time, the Kusunoki clan were in control of this castle, with Kusunoki Sadataka acting as the young castle lord⁷. For this battle, Kazumasu was given full command of the troops. He had the assistance of a few other important figures, such as other retainers like Ikeda Tsuneoki, as well as gained support from Kusunoki Masamori, a member of the opposing family that controls Kusu castle, by converting him to Oda Nobunaga’s side⁸. However, despite having a larger army and additional help, Kazumasu and his force were unable to capture Kusu castle, for Kusunoki Masamori too had additional help. For example, Yamaji Danjo, lord of the neighboring Takaoka castle just south of Kusu castle, was able to help defend Kusu castle, and turning the tide of the battle in their favor. In the long run, Kazumasu and his force had to turn back and retreat, but this wasn’t because they were completely defeated. Instead, Kazumasu wanted to regroup, analyze the situation, and try again. Will they be successful in the next round against his younger opponent, Kusunoki Sadataka?

FACT CHECK #1: INFLUENTIAL STRENGTH

Let’s take a moment to examine the main individual of this article. When evaluating Takigawa Kazumasu’s military career in history-related sources, it is often pointed out how quickly he rose in the ranks to being a vital asset in Oda Nobunaga’s successful rise in power. Along with his tactical sense on the battlefield, Kazumasu is also viewed as a competent advisor. As an example, he was given room to speak on military campaigns early in the years after his employment. For example, he was allowed to voice his opinion to his lord Nobunaga regarding the expansion into Northern Ise Province. In order to get the Kitabatake clan to submit, Kazumasu mentioned the importance of occupying Kuwana and Nagashima. He stressed that this would not only gain them access to other lands within Northern Ise such as as Mino Province, but such a move would grant them a better geographic advantage when going up against the Kitabatake clan and their supporters. This display of strategic oversight must’ve been to Nobunaga’s liking, for it would influence Kazumasu to have more opportunities like this.

Along with trust in his perspective on military strategy, Takigawa Kazumasu also was trusted with diplomatic matters. This is evident when he was sent to ensure the contractual acquisition of Matsudaira Motoyasu⁹. This was important because Motoyasu was a retainer to Imagawa Yoshimoto. in 1560, after the death of his lord Imagawa Yoshimoto, Motoyasu and his Matsudaira clan were the only other powerful force that could contest for Owari, yet he did not at any point oppose or challenge Nobunaga. For the span of almost 3 years, there were several contacts made between the two regarding joining forces, but nothing came of these. Finally, in 1563 Motoyasu made to trip within Owari to Nobunaga’s Kiyosu castle in Kasugai District, where he would make his official pledge to serve the Oda clan. As witnesses, Tominaga Tadayasu (a brother to Motoyasu through marriage) and Takigawa Kazumasu were present, and added their seals to the contract that was made to seal the deal¹⁰.

ENDING

Looking at his history from the beginning of his life up to this point, Takigawa Kazumasu had a slow start with his military career (he gains employment over the age of 30), but the merits he gained are plentiful in such short time. We come to the close of part 1. Stay tuned for part 2, where the story continues with Takigawa Kazumasu’s siege on Kusu castle, along with following battles that will eventually conclude the chapter on Ise Province.


1) In sources another pronunciation for his given name is Ichimasu.

2) In this case, the kanji “滝” (taki) is at times replaced with “辰” (tatsu), but still retains the “taki” sound

3) Speculations are that Kazumasu’s family name was originally Takayasu (高安). However it was changed when Kazumasu’s father Shigekiyo became lord of Taki Castle (滝城). At the time, Shigekiyo went by the name Takayasu Norikatsu (高安範勝).

4) It is thought that early in his military career, Akechi Mitsuhide was not a direct retainer of Oda Nobunaga, but would be so at a later time. Thus the reason why he labored under other generals such as Takigawa Kazumasu.

5) There seems to be a slight discrepancy with this. There are 2 individuals who bear the name “Shōei”, although the kanji in their names vary abit. In many Japanese sources the Shōei mentioned bears the kanji “勝恵”. This was a Buddhist monk of the Jōdō Shinshu sect who helped to establish Hongan Temple (本願寺, Honganji) along with other many monks from Eastern Japan. He was born in 1475 and passed away in 1557. Going by this date, he could not have been alive during Oda Nobunaga’s campaign to control Ise Province.

The other Shōei would be the one who uses the kanji “証恵”. He is the grandson of the 1st generation Shōei mentioned above. This Shōei was born & grew up in Nagajima, which is within Ise Province. It could be that he was the one who had some connection with Mitsuhide Akechi…except that his date of death is 1564. This is 3 years before the time he’s stated to have been recruited. Could it be that the date of death for both individuals named Shōei is wrong? Was there another Shōei that wasn’t recorded? Or was it a completely different person?

6) In some sources, it is said that this is also called Kusunoki castle. This is most likely true, as the kanji “楠” for Kusu can also be read as “Kusunoki”.

7) Kusunoki Sadataka is recorded as being 19 at the time, compared to Takigawa Kazumasu who was in his early 40s.

8) The full details of Kusunoki Masamori’s switch from the Kitabatake’s side to the Oda’s side is not fully described. However, it seems that this was a permanent switch due to Takigawa Kazumasu’s influence, or of some other connection. In fact, their connections will go so far that years later Masamori will marry the daughter of Kazumasu’s nephew.

9) He was the young lord of the Matsudaira clan who would later go by the name of Tokugawa Ieyasu and unify Japan.

10) This agreement is known under various names, with the most well know being “Kiyosu Dōmei” (清洲同盟, Alliance at Kiyosu Castle). Other names include “Shoku-Toku Dōmei” (織徳同盟, Alliance between the Oda clan and Tokugawa clan) and “Bisan Dōmei” (尾三同盟, Alliance between the 2 clans from Owari and Mikawa).